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DTEND;VALUE=DATE-TIME:20201121T194500Z
DTSTART;VALUE=DATE-TIME:20201121T191500Z
DTSTAMP;VALUE=DATE-TIME:20201121T184534Z
UID:ea2e5db0-2790-4f48-9a74-747fe3657874@talks.stuts.de
DESCRIPTION:It has long been observed that in many languages\, experience
 r objects can bind into the subject\, thus seemingly violating Binding C
 ondition A:\n\n	Pictures of [each other]i annoy [the politicians]i . \n	
 (Pesetsky 1987)\n\nSince Belletti and Rizzi’s (1988) influential analysi
 s\, such cases of backward binding are widely assumed to be evidence for
  the fact that experiencer objects are generated in a position higher th
 an the subject\, thus c-commanding the anaphor as required by Condition 
 A. \n\nSo far\, there has been consensus in the literature that German d
 oes not allow for backward binding. I will present new experimental evid
 ence challenging this view: Speakers judge sentences involving a) anapho
 rs embedded in subject position and b) antecedents in object position as
  significantly more acceptable if those sentences contain EO psych verbs
 \, offering evidence that backward binding is indeed possible in German.
 \n\nHowever\, if backward-bound anaphors are in fact locally bound\, thi
 s raises the question why such sentences in German are of only intermedi
 ate acceptability and are rejected by a subset of speakers. I discuss th
 e hypothesis that backward binding might incur additional processing cos
 ts\, compare backward binding and backward coreference and propose some 
 directions future psycholinguistic research might take.\n\n\nLiterature\
 n\nBelletti\, Adriana\, and Luigi Rizzi. 1988. Psych-Verbs and θ-Theory.
  Natural language and linguistic theory 6(3): 291–352.\nPesetsky\, David
 . 1987. Binding Problem with Experiencer Verbs. Linguistic Inquiry 18(1)
 : 126–140.
URL:https://68stuts.bildungs.cafe/events/399.html
SUMMARY:Anaphor backward binding in German
ORGANIZER:stuts68
LOCATION:stuts68 - Agathe Lasch
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